The appointment of the new head of the Intelligence and Security Service of the Republic of Moldova (SIS), Alexandru Musteață, on June 2, is a genuine test for the government in Chișinău, an opportunity to prove its commitment to implement reforms in the field of defense and national security.
Alexandru Musteață: a young “Sorosist” and Romanian citizen, takes over the SIS as Moldova struggles to overcome several crises
Original criticism was tied to Alexandru Musteață’s young age - he's 34 years old - and the fact that he was a member of civil society. Until recently, Musteață worked for the Soros Foundation in Moldova, which fueled even further the Russian propaganda in Chișinău and kindled the imagination of conspiracy-mongers. Besides, the new SIS chief also has Romanian citizenship, which frustrated Igor Dodon’s Socialists. “Yes, I can confirm I have the citizenship of another state, just like approximately a million other citizens of the Republic of Moldova, citizens who love their country, as do I”, Alexandru Musteață said. “The law doesn’t forbid people who own double citizenship from holding public office”, the SIS chief went on to say.
Alexandru Musteață is the representative of a new wave of Moldovan leaders, groomed in the West, with liberal and democratic views. This will surely be a source of irritation for the Moldovan kleptocracy, and anxiety for Russian influence groups in the Republic of Moldova. On a number of occasions, the latter have used the SIS to bludgeon the political opposition or have actually infiltrated the service.
Furthermore, annual investments allotted to the maintenance of the Moldovan army were similar to the SIS budget, leaving the impression that the Republic of Moldova is more concerned about the functioning of power structures such as the SIS rather than its own army.
Without a doubt, Musteață’s term at the helm of the SIS comes at a very difficult moment for the Republic of Moldova, when overlapping crises are sweeping the country. We are talking about the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which also generated the refugee crisis, which can serve as a trigger for a number of societal troubles. Add to that the energy crisis and Russia’s constant energy blackmail, the acts of provocation orchestrated by the separatist regime in Tiraspol and the explosive potential of the breakaway region, as well as the economic crisis, the low resilience of the Republic of Moldova when dealing with macroeconomic challenges and the dependency on imports of cheap goods from Ukraine and Russia.
These are but a few of the biggest challenges facing the Republic of Moldova right now, and the SIS will certainly need to pitch in to find solutions.
SIS, political police or an institution overseeing national security?
In its 30 years of existence, the SIS at times seemed overwhelmed by the developments and the influence of Russia as a destabilizing factor in the Republic of Moldova. At different times, it appeared to be an anachronistic service used as a tool to exert pressure on political opponents.
The Republic of Moldova’s strategic objectives faded one by one, sometimes even with the contribution of SIS officers.
Just like the Interior Ministry, another, perhaps even more powerful power structure, the SIS was used as a tool by successive cabinets particularly in the last 20 years.
Whereas Vladimir Voronin used the SIS to try to stay in power during the so-called Twitter Revolution of April 7, 2009 and in the subsequent period, oligarch Vlad Plahotniuc used the service to protect his business, but also to settle scores with anyone who opposed his regime, which at the time had taken control of all state institutions. Wiretapping, intimidating and surveilling the opposition, journalists, activists and political rivals held the headlines during the last years of the Plahotniuc regime. Musteață himself, as a former employee of Soros Moldova was the target and victim of his present-day subordinates.
The SIS leadership more often than not engaged in cross-party partisanship, the most telling example being that of Artur Reshetnikov (Voronin’s grandson) who swiftly switched parties, leaving PCRM to join Platniuc’s Democratic Party.
Such figures most likely continue to work for SIS, and Alexandru Musteață will need to implement a radical reform of the SIS ranks, especially those officers who were officially trained by the FSB. It will probably take a long process of vetting, similar to the procedure observed in magistracy today, to carry out a real reform of the SIS structure.
To that end, the SIS needs to have a new vision under Musteață’s leadership and start cooperating with similar institutions in the West. Moreover, upon being sworn in, the new director actually said he is planning to consolidate cooperation with counterpart institutions from the West. It remains to be seen to what extent he will succeed.
Russia, the main security challenge for the Republic of Moldova
The SIS will have a hard time dealing with a number of actions the Russian Federation will most likely take addressing Russian-language speakers which Moscow considers to be oppressed by the increasingly pro-European and anti-Russian government in Chișinău.
According to a report of the Russian Foreign Ministry, which slipped under the radar in Chișinău, the Russians are disgruntled with the fact that the Russian-speaking population in Moldova is allegedly stripped of its rights, from public services that are no longer delivered or performed in Russian, to the gradual elimination of Russian-language school curricula and shutting down Russian media outlets across the Republic of Moldova.
“Due to the developments in Ukraine, significant flows of refugees have arrived in the Republic of Moldova. Taking advantage of this sensitive context, the West continues its relentless efforts to drag Moldova into a coalition of ardent anti-Russians. Apart from condemning Russia’s special military operation and demanding an end to hostilities, Moldovan authorities have expressed their commitment towards European integration and constitutional neutrality”, the report states.
Moscow has victimized Russian journalists who are allegedly the target of persecution from newsdesks, as well as the Moldovan Metropolitan Church, which is hierarchically subordinated to the Russian Patriarchy in Moscow, although only 1 in 8 Orthodox Churches are subordinated to Russia, the others being part of the Metropolitan Church of Bessarabia, which is subordinated to the Romanian Patriarchy.
In fact, the conclusions of the report published on June 1 by the Russian MFA are merely an extension of Russia’s plans for the Republic of Moldova, expressed in mid-April by Major-General Rustam Minnekaev, the deputy commander of the Russian Central Military District.
At the time, the Russian official said Moscow was seeking to take full control of Donbas and southern Ukraine during the second phase of Russia’s military operation in Ukraine, in order to create a land corridor to Crimea. Additionally, the Russian general said Moscow also plans on creating a corridor to Transnistria, where, he argues, “the Russian speaking population is being oppressed”.
At the same time, the coming weeks might also see a surge in the number of incidents of the type that were recently reported in Transnistria, such as the strange attack on the headquarters of the Security Ministry (MGB, the former KGB) in broad daylight in downtown Tiraspol, the Molotov co*cktail assault on the Republican Military Commissioner’s Office or the destruction of decommissioned emitters in Mayak village in the separatist region.
It’s becoming more and more transparent that Russia’s plans for Transnistria are directly linked to its offensive on the southern flank of Ukraine, Odessa in particular.
Last but not least, similar pro-Russian demonstrations like the ones organized in Găgăuzia, as well as other anti-government protest actions might represent a source of turmoil. For this reason, ATUG will need to be closely monitored, because Russia has enough leverage here to cause some trouble.
SIS needs to be reformed based on the model of secret service agencies in liberal democracies
All these elements paint a broad picture of insecurity in the Republic of Moldova which the new SIS director will have to address with utmost skill and energy.
Although gathering intelligence is in itself a highly sensitive job, public paranoia revolving around this service must be dispelled and concerted action will be required to reform the SIS in line with other similar institutions in the free world, which are used to functioning as part of a democratic system.
Moldova needs more transparency in this field, as well as strong support to respond to provocations coming from Russia, the number one hostile force in Chișinău. It all boils down to the new SIS chief’s perception of the current security framework and to the extent to which he will be willing to embrace external support in this field as well.
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- SIS
- War in Ukraine
